Grantee & Partner News

June 20, 2018

World Refugee Day video

Grantee News From Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security:

Despite navigating a world of constant disruption, Syrian women and girls living as refugees in Jordan, Turkey, and Lebanon bravely share why and how they continue to challenge inequalities and stereotypes in order to realize peace. These women peacebuilders may be separated by borders and war, but they have a single message to the world: Syrian women have ambitions and capacities to make change.Share your support and follow Syrian women changemakers of #MeWeSyria #WomenLeadingPeace.


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April 26, 2018

The World Is Getting More Dangerous. What Are Peace and Security Funders Trying to Do About That?

Grantee News From Peace and Security Funders Group:

At the beginning of this year, the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists moved its famed “doomsday clock” a bit closer to midnight—to two minutes, the closest point it’s been since 1953.

We live in dangerous times, with numerous armed conflicts underway around the world and a nuclear standoff unfolding on the Korean peninsula that’s been called a “slow-motion Cuban Missile Crisis.” Tensions are rising between the United States and both Russia and China, including in the shadow arena of cybersecurity.

In this fast-shifting, volatile landscape, it’s not surprising to find that some foundations are working to promote greater peace and security. This is one of the oldest missions of modern philanthropy, one that preoccupied Andrew Carnegie and many philanthropists who followed in his footsteps.

So what have such funders been doing lately to ensure that conflicts around the world are reduced or avoided?

The new Peace and Security Funding Index offers answers to that question. The analysis, using the latest data, tracks how much money is given by private foundations to peace and security efforts, including grants to prevent and mitigate conflict, to resolve conflict, and to build stable societies after conflicts have occurred. Overall, it paints a picture of a small but dedicated cadre of funders who are punching above their weight with grantmaking that adds up to less than 1 percent of total foundation giving.

Several takeaways emerge from the index, which is put together by the Foundation Center and the Peace and Security Funders Group, an affinity organization for grantmakers in the field.

For starters, peace and security funders have a global footprint that looms larger than the size of their giving. Totaling only $351 million in 2015, this grantmaking is enabling an enormous amount of activity. It sustains an infrastructure of nonprofits working in Washington, D.C., to sway U.S. national security policy, bankrolls academic research on issues like cybersecurity and nuclear nonproliferation, and supports civil society work around the world on everything from the rights of women and girls in Syrian refugee camps to conflict resolution in Africa. Beyond the diversity of approaches and issues tackled, funders in this field vary in type, regional focus, and average grant size.

That said, the leading strategies of peace and security funders remain policy and advocacy, as well as research and evaluation. Although funders support a full range of strategies, the majority of the money in the space backs policy work and research and evaluation as a strategic approach. Peace and security funders are almost two times more likely than other grantmakers to fund policy and advocacy strategies. Meanwhile, 16 percent of grant dollars awarded in 2015 funded research and evaluation, often to span the gap between academic and policy worlds on topics including cybersecurity and applying local knowledge in peacebuilding.

Peace and security giving funders provided 19 percent of their grant dollars through general support, which is consistent with the proportion of general support made by U.S. foundations overall. Just over 35 percent of funders in the field made at least one general support grant.

At Inside Philanthropy, we’ve reported on a number of cases in which foundations had impact on peace and security issues—most notably, by supporting the informal, so-called Track II diplomacy that led to the Iran nuclear deal. Funders now support similar critical work in Korea.


Given what’s at stake, why isn’t peace and security attracting more funding? We put that question to the folks at the Peace and Security Funders Group, who answered with their own personal opinions, rather than on behalf of the group’s membership.

“Although peace and security issues are on the front pages of newspapers across the world, the field requires strategic patience and long-term investments in building peace,” said Alexandra I. Toma, the group’s executive director. “So it’s difficult to showcase ‘success stories’ in a year or two, which is a turn-off for funders who want a quick, tangible ‘return on investment.’”

Toma also noted the difficulty of demonstrating the benefits of work that has prevented conflicts thanks to the efforts of peace and security funders.

“It’s hard to impossible to prove prevention, but that’s what’s most effective—both in terms of saving lives, staving off conflict, and cost,” said Toma. “It’s way better to prevent [things like] atrocities and nuclear terrorism—but it’s hard to make the case for funders that prevention is working because you can’t prove a negative.”

Regarding the future of funding for peace and security work, Toma characterized the field as stable.

“Generally, peace and security work is long-term, strategic, and evolutionary, so you don’t frequently see major shifts in funder commitments in response to a political change or emerging crises,” she said. “While there may be the occasional ‘tipping points’ that cause funders to pivot or reassess their funding commitments, for the most part, foundations aren’t continually changing their strategies or focus in response to the latest crisis.”

However, Toma added that foundations “can be and are responsive to ever-changing contexts and do pivot to seize political opportunities. But all of this takes place within the context of their overall strategies and goals.”

She pointed to the work on the Iran nuclear deal and the Rohingya refugee crisis as examples of funders re-strategizing in response to emerging issues, yet staying within their long-term strategies.

With regard to Iran, Toma said, “there were grants in 2014-2015 on issues related to the U.S.-Iran relationship and nuclear agreement, but these grants were not made in isolation or as responses to a ‘motivating situation.’ Rather, nuclear funders had been supporting work on nonproliferation and on Iran for years, laying the groundwork for an eventual nuclear agreement. Grantmaking around the major peace opportunity fit into their existing strategies and work.”

In terms of the Rohingya crisis, Toma said, there had recently been a flurry of media attention to the refugees. But foundations “were paying attention long before the mainstream media cared. The Nexus Fund, for one, has been doing scoping, research, and funding in Burma on this issue since 2013. Another PSFG member, American Jewish World Service, has also been working with the Rohingya in Burma since 2013. These foundations were already there when the crises became mainstream news items. In other words, the flurry of funding you’re seeing around [the Rohingya] is not really coming out of left field.”


As for themes that might arise in the field in the near term, the director of the index project, Rachel LaForgia, observed several possible issues.

“A few current-day themes funders are considering are, ‘Have the rules of the game changed?’ ‘Is the post-WWII liberal world order dead?’ Is multi-polarity the wave of the future? If so, how will peoples all over the world relate to one another, to sovereignty, to the nation-state, etc.? Who will be ‘winners’ and ‘losers,’ and what is our role?” said LaForgia in an interview with Inside Philanthropy.

Among the other topics LaForgia discussed were the influence of artificial intelligence and machine learning on peace and security, the ‘rules of the road’ in the digital and cyber space, climate change’s effects on everything from refugees and migration to failing states and national security, and movements and social media trends such as #MeToo and #TimesUp.

Despite the challenges in the field, Toma offered a hopeful assessment of funding prospects.

“As peace and security issues will still be around in the next decade, our hope is that foundations continue to fund this work and that those who aren’t currently peace and security funders begin to consider how peace and security issues affect their work,” she said.

Toma calls peace and security funders the “ground zero” of the philanthropic community, in the sense that their work provides a foundation upon which other interventions  can succeed in everything from health care to economic development. This point echoes the logic of Carnegie and other earlier philanthropists in this space—without peace, it’s hard for humanity to achieve all of its other goals.

Toma’s assessment for the coming decade is that the “best-case scenario” for peace and security funding is that funders of all sorts view peace and security as fundamental to all their work, and they begin to invest more in these causes.

That’s a nice thought. Right now, though, apart from such stalwarts as the MacArthur Foundation, the Carnegie Corporation of New York, and the Open Society Foundations, there aren’t that many funders giving to peace and security issues on a large scale. The new index shows that only eight foundations made more than $10 million in grants in this space in 2015.

If the world really does stand at two minutes to midnight, it’s time for its billionaires and foundations to dig deeper on peace and security issues, in a way that’s proportional to the gravity of the challenges.

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April 12, 2018

Domestic abusers: Dangerous for women — and lethal for cops

Grantee News From Fuller Project:

Linda Pope faced a flood of red and blue lights as she arrived at the hospital on the night her husband was killed.

Cincinnati Police Officer Daniel Pope had been shot in the head while trying to serve a domestic violence warrant on a 20-year-old man who fled the scene and shot himself. Now, as Linda sat in the hospital exam room being told her husband didn’t survive, it felt like the walls were closing in.

Pope lost her husband just five days before their seven-year wedding anniversary on Dec. 6, 1997. To her, he is 35 years old forever.

“You never forget. You never stop hurting. The pain becomes a little bit less sharp, and it dulls over time. But you never stop loving them. You never stop missing them. You never stop wondering what would have been, what could have been,” she says.

Pope learned a tragic lesson that is still playing out 20 years later: Domestic abusers aren’t just dangerous for women — they are also deadly for cops.

In 2017, more officers were shot responding to domestic violence than any other type of firearm-related fatality, according to the National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund. From 1988 to 2016, 136 officers were killed while responding to domestic disturbances such as family arguments, FBI data show. By comparison, 80 were killed during a drug-related arrest in the same period.

And in just the first few months of this year, six officers have died in domestic violence-related shootings. One of them is Officer Justin Billa.

The first time Erin Billa met Justin, they were 5 years old. In her middle school scrapbook, she circled his name, with the word “cutie” written next to it. She never dreamed that nearly 20 years later, they’d get married. She never imagined that she would lose him.

It was almost 10 p.m. on Feb. 20. Fonda Poellnitz, 58, was dead, and her ex-husband Robert Hollie was a wanted man in the domestic violence shooting. When Officer Billa reported to Hollie’s home in Mobile, Ala., shots rang out. Billa was rushed to the hospital and a SWAT team moved in, finding Hollie had killed himself.

Billa, 27, later died at the hospital. He’d been an officer for just two years.

“I literally felt like my heart was broken in a million pieces,” Erin Billa says. The man who came home with flowers and gave her the 1-year-old son who looks just like him was never coming back. “I love you, too,” were his last words to her.

On March 28, they would have celebrated their third wedding anniversary.

More: Domestic violence ‘code of silence’ contributes to prevalence across races, classes

More: Safety plan is key to escaping domestic abuse, which can be psychological or emotional

More: Advocates see opening for tougher gun control laws for those guilty of domestic violence

 A dangerous pattern

The pattern of repeated abuse makes domestic violence calls particularly dangerous for officers. A 2008 study by the National Institute of Justice determined that victims of domestic violence are more likely to call the police after repeated assaults have already taken place — which puts police officers in an even more volatile situation when they do respond.

“If someone breaks into your home, you’re going to immediately call police. You’re not going to let someone break in 10 times. But with domestic violence, it’s unique in that way, that the call could represent something that’s been percolating over time,” says David Chipman, senior policy adviser at the Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence and a former agent at the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives for 25 years.

Rates of domestic violence in the United States declined by more than 60% from 1994 to 2010, but the scourge of abuse still touches millions of Americans. About one in four women and one in seven men have experienced severe physical violence by an intimate partner in their lifetime, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, adding up to 29 million female victims and 15.6 million male victims.

Over the past several decades, certain police policies toward domestic violence have changed from considering abuse a family dispute to a serious criminal offense that requires a response, including specialized domestic-violence units inside departments and comprehensive service centers for victims.

“Back in the ’80s and ’70s, nobody ever looked at this as a crime. They looked at it as more of a nuisance. As officers started getting injured and in many cases killed — and victims being killed, also — we started analyzing and assessing and identifying better methods” for responding to domestic violence, says Frank Fernandez, director of public safety in Coral Gables, Fla., and chairman of the International Association of Chiefs of Police Firearms Committee.

Displaying empathy helps officers de-escalate a potentially explosive domestic violence situation, Fernandez says.

Tactics such as arriving on the scene with at least one other officer, standing on either side of the front door instead of approaching it directly, using verbal communication skills to develop a dialogue with the parties involved and having domestic-violence detectives follow up with repeat offenders are now more widely used.

When police report to a home where there have been previous abuse calls, they should be aware of that history of violence — including whether the alleged abuser might have a weapon — so they can prepare for the potentially lethal threat, Fernandez says.

One department’s approach

One local police department has spent the past six years pioneering a strategy that can help identify these kinds of abusers.

High Point, N.C., had a problem. From 2004 to 2008, one-third of the city’s murders were related to intimate partner violence, well above both the state and national averages, according to former police chief Jim Fealy. So in 2009, the police department, in partnership with the National Network for Safe Communities, began to take action.

Its approach tracks alleged abusers and intervenes accordingly depending upon the severity of the violence. High Point breaks down offenders into four categories, from those who have never been charged with domestic violence to the most lethal repeat offenders.

Those who are deemed most dangerous are immediately targeted for prosecution, while the lowest-level offenders receive a letter from the police, informing them they are being monitored.

From 2012, when the strategy was implemented, to 2014, there was just one intimate partner violence homicide in the city, compared with 17 from 2004 to 2011. Calls to police in High Point to report intimate partner violence declined by 20%, as did arrests, and the percentage of victims who were injured also dropped from 2012 to 2014.

While these numbers show promising trends, the rate of offenders who re-assaulted their partners within one year remained close to what it was before the program was put in place, according to a recent evaluation of High Point’s initiative by researchers from the University of North Carolina-Greensboro. This may be because of poor record-keeping before the strategy began, which could have caused an underestimate of intimate partner violence cases, the researchers write.

The High Point strategy of early intervention that notifies abusers, monitors them and emphasizes follow-up and deterrence is part of “an evolution” in policing of domestic violence, Fernandez says.

Danger remains

Even as departments such as High Point begin testing new tactics and technologies, the dangers of police work haunt families. Erin Billa says her heart dropped every time a call from the city of Mobile came through on her work phone.

“It didn’t matter if it was a random day that we were arguing, we always said we loved each other before we left. Always,” she says.

Officers are often taught that their lives come second, says Maria Haberfeld, a professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice who has written extensively about policing. That mentality combined with insufficient training make it difficult for them to make a judgment about the best approach to a complex domestic violence situation.

Training should include more practice of real-life domestic violence scenarios, she says, and it should continue during an officer’s career after the police academy, but resources are tight and many departments can’t afford to provide additional, in-house training to their officers.

Standards for police training vary widely by state. And, she says, training in the U.S. is “very poor” and “an embarrassment” when compared to other democratic countries such as Norway or Finland, where police training lasts for three academic years.

In the U.S., the length of basic-training programs averages about 21 weeks, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics.

Linda Pope says she fears that no amount of training can save an officer in an ambush. Police must always be vigilant.

“Domestic violence is absolutely the deadliest situation that police officers are found in,” Pope says. “The cycle of abuse is something that happens every day in our world, and they need to be just ever so diligent, never become complacent and just make sure that they go home to their families every night.”

Natalie Schreyer is a reporter at the Fuller Project for International Reporting. The Fuller Project is a non-profit news organization dedicated to covering issues most impacting women and girls globally. It is funded through grants and private donations.

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March 21, 2018

Afghanistan-Taliban peace talks must include women negotiators defending their rights

Grantee News From Council on Foreign Relations:

In 23 rounds of Afghanistan-Taliban peace talks, women were at the table just twice. They need formal roles in any new talks to protect their own progress.


Afghan women have long feared that negotiators for a peace agreement with the Taliban would trade away women’s rights for the chance to end more than 16 years of war. This apprehension may soon be tested.

In the wake of Kabul’s recent overture to the Taliban, proposing negotiations without preconditions and offering to recognize the insurgent group as a legitimate political party, many have renewed hope for peace talks. But if talks do begin in earnest, will women be at the table? They should — not simply as a matter of fairness, but as a strategic imperative. As women have demonstrated, from Colombia to the Philippines to Liberia, their involvement makes it more likely both that a peace agreement will be reached, and that it will endure.

More: Donald Trump makes right moves in Afghanistan 

More: Mike Pence: Trump’s new strategy for Afghanistan will undo past failures

Women and girls have made notable progress since the fall of the Taliban, which adheres to a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam in which women are considered second-class citizens. Under Taliban rule from 1996 to 2001, Afghan women were banned from schools and work, faced public beatings and executions, and endured severe restrictions on their movement. Today, women and girls enjoy more opportunity to attend school and participate in political and economic life.

However, these gains have not translated into opportunities for women to participate in the peace process. In 23 rounds of peace talks between 2005 and 2014, women were at the table on only two occasions. When officials from over 25 countries recently gathered for the Kabul Process, an Afghan-led peace conference, the room was overwhelmingly filled with men. If the conference is at all indicative of what future negotiations will look like, Afghan leaders should rethink their approach and pursue instead a proven strategy to improve the chances for peace: the participation of women.

In a new interactive report, we present in-depth case studies and an index tracking women in formal roles in peace processes from 1990 to the present. This and other research suggests that including women in peace processes advances security, and that their participation in negotiations makes the resulting agreement 64% less likely to fail and 35% more likely to last at least 15 years.

Despite the marginalization of women from Afghanistan’s formal peace negotiations, Afghan women have made valuable contributions to addressing violence and securing peace at the grassroots level throughout the country. Here are four ways they have made a difference:

► They have brokered local deals. Female members of provincial peace councils have negotiated directly with insurgent leaders to support the reintegration of demobilized Taliban fighters into local communities, facilitate the release of hostages (which they succeeded in doing by first reaching out to the wives of Talibs), and mobilize local support for the peace process, including by encouraging local insurgents to participate in talks. They also are working in schools and community organizations to counter extremist narratives.

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► They have gained access to critical information. Because Afghan women can access spaces in society that men cannot, they can offer unique contributions to security operations and inform negotiating positions. Recognizing this, the United States and coalition partners formed teams to increase their outreach to Afghan women and gather intelligence about potential security risks. However, insights are not always heeded: A network of women activists in Kabul and Ghazni reported to local security personnel their suspicion that the Taliban wassmuggling weapons into the province, based on an increase in trucks passing through their areas. Security officials did not respond, and a few months later, the Taliban freed fighters from a Ghazni jail in the largest prison break in years, dealing a significant setback to security efforts.

► They built public support. Women’s groups reach out to rural areas that are typically cut off from information about the peace process, sharing updates and soliciting input. For example, female members of the High Peace Council led a nationwide campaign in 2014 across most of the country’s 34 provinces, despite the dangerous conditions, to increase public awareness of the process. Female organizers collected 250,000 signatures of women and girls in support of the peace process, which they delivered to then-President Hamid Karzai, Taliban leaders and the United Nations.

► They have worked across lines. Afghan women frequently organize across cultural and sectarian divides in pursuit of shared priorities, and bring attention to social and humanitarian concerns and the right of marginalized groups to participate in the peace process. For example, at the 2004 constitutional convention, women successfully reached across ethnic lines to push for a written commitment to equal rights for all Afghan citizens.

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani recently affirmed that women must be part of any peace process with the Taliban. Now it’s up to Afghan leaders, the United States and other stakeholders to ensure that Afghan women have a seat at the table and an opportunity to help bring peace and security to Afghanistan.

Jamille Bigio is a senior fellow for women and foreign policy at the Council on Foreign Relations. Rachel Vogelstein is the Douglas Dillon Senior Fellow at the council and director of its Women and Foreign Policy program. On Twitter: @jamillebigio 

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March 13, 2018

Compton grantee, National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health , staff are target of ICE detention

Grantee News From National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health:

Release Alejandra Pablos from immigration detention, allowing her to pay for a bond.

Why is this important?

Alejandra Pablos, a reproductive rights and immigrant rights organizer, wast taken into custody by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on March 7th, 2018 and is being held at the Eloy Detention Center in Southern Arizona, without access to a bond.

Alejandra’s case is complicated. As a young person she was arrested and convicted of several charges, including Driving Under the Influence and possession of drug paraphernalia, some of which were felonies under Arizona state law. In 2011, after she complied with the orders from the court, she spent 2 years at the Eloy Detention Center in Southern Arizona, lost her residency, and was placed in deportation proceedings.

But since Alejandra was released from detention she has worked to advocate for human and civil rights, dedicating her life to organizing against the attacks on immigrant rights and fighting for reproductive rights.

As part of her local organizing, in early January of this year, as Pablos was leading chants at a peaceful protest in Virginia outside of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), she was singled out and detained by DHS agents. Although she was released, this flagged her case. When Pablos showed up to her check-in with ICE in Tucson, she was taken into custody and not allowed to pay a bond.

Pablos is a nationally recognized immigrant rights and reproductive rights, activist. She works as a Field Coordinator for the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health, where she organizes to raise the voices of Latinas in Virginia for policy change at all levels of government on issues that impact their lives, women’s health care, and other social justice issues. Alejandra has been a staunch advocate for immigration reform and mass incarceration. She is a member of Mijente, a national political Latinx organization, and has worked with many immigrant rights and prison abolition organizers throughout the country.

How it will be delivered

Selected letters will be submitted as part of Alejandra’s bond request in front of the immigration judge.

Please share out this petition demanding Alejandra’s release<> and please share out this petition demanding Eva’s release<>.


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March 9, 2018

Ms. Must-Reads for International Women’s Day

February 5, 2018

ICAN launches 3rd thematic animation: Gendered Devolution

January 26, 2018

These Pakistani Women Are Cutting Off Extremists’ Resources—One Thread at a Time

January 8, 2018

The Perils of Mixing Masculinity and Missiles

January 4, 2018

5 reasons the U.N. Security Council should care about the Burmese military’s sexual assaults on the Rohingya